Impact of Communication Technology on Politics and Economics

Impact of Communication Technology on Politics and Economics Impact of Communication Technologies on Political and Economic Development Joe Owczarski Introduction Modern-day society is witnessing the continuous creation of innovative mediums concerning communications technology that are not only convenient to use but inexpensive as well. Such digital communication tools include mobile phones, smart phones, and the Internet. It is not a secret that they have been successful in bringing a drastic revolution in the methods of information-sharing and communication. It is not surprising that these innovative technologies have impacted every aspect of peoples’ lives, be it political, religious, educational, professional, social, or economical. Innovations in information and communication technologies (ICTs) have not only increased the availability of innumerable products and services but have also reduced their prices. As a result, the inexpensiveness of and accessibility to ICTs have caused a great reduction in â€Å"the costs associated both with doing business and with organizing social and political movements† (Hart, 2010). The cheap availability of ICTs has also declined the costs of communication and transportation. From an economic point of view, there have been declines in the costs related to coordination and transaction. These declining patterns have consequently made the international trade and capital investment to reach extremely high levels. In addition, the cost reductions have also lessened the significance of geographical distances in international business. As distance has lost its importance in today’s digitalized world, there has been an increase in both political and economic activities due to the trending globalization (Hart, 2010). Impact of Cheap Communication Technologies on Politics and Political Development As far as politics is concerned, the inexpensive communication technologies have made a tremendous impact on both domestic and worldwide political phenomenon. In particular, the Internet and social media has contributed greatly in the development of political context and understanding. The blogs as well as the discussions and arguments that are conducted on the Web have provided people a platform to openly voice their views and beliefs regarding political aspects. Although a lot of people argue that social media and related communication technologies have nothing to contribute to politics; many oppose this point of view. Cheap communication technologies have played a major role in the contemporary era for making political processes more free, autonomous, and independent (Unwin, 2012). It would not be incorrect to state that the ICTs have offered exceptional liberties to the common man who is now able to dramatically impact the political phenomenon through cell phones, the Internet, and the social media sites. Communication technologies have emerged as a powerful tool for the politicians and governments as well. The political leaders and governmental authorities are capable of spreading their messages, agendas, and policies to the general public, directly and cheaply. For instance, mobile text messaging is now used by both political parties and governments to encourage public to vote for them in elections (Unwin, 2012). Likewise, the Internet and the social media is also playing a central role in making people aware about the current incidents that take place worldwide. Detailed stories and images enable people to receive the latest information about political movements and happenings around the world. In this manner, cheap communication technologies have enhanced global awareness. The example of Syria is an important one. This is because social media sites and other communication mediums have made people aware of the continuing conflicts in Syrian regime (Unwin 2012). It is true that the globalization phenomenon has interconnected the states and people. This interconnectedness has also influenced the opinions of people who use communication technologies to share their opinions with others. On a global level, globalization has also undermined the concept of a sovereign state. States are now interdependent due to global policies that have made it impossible for them to shield themselves from external influences. As people are beginning to use cheap communication technologies more progressively, there have been improvements in the overall communication between people belonging to diverse political regimes. These enhancements in ICTs have made it possible for people to share information and knowledge rapidly and easily. Moreover, the cheap communication technologies have also enhanced the fusion of different cultures. In addition, the acquired awareness has made people question the governmental authorities. As a matter of fact, revolutionary innovations in ICTs have undermined the autonomous and monarch status of particular political systems, such as the one in Middle East (Unwin, 2012). It can be concluded that the contemporary ICTs have offered remarkable opportunities to people to modify the rules of the long-established political game. On the other hand, even though cheap ICTs have tremendously changed the international political map, this revolution has not particularly affected the marginalized and poor people. Without a doubt the use of cheap communication technologies has impacted the political development and processes. Nevertheless, it completely depends on the individual’s observation whether he considers it a good or bad change (Healey, 2011). Impact of Cheap Communication Technologies on Economy and Economic Development As mentioned, communication technology in the current era has become extraordinarily cheap, user-friendly, and accessible. Although ICTs are taken for granted by people, communication devices and services have been triumphant in transforming economies as well as the lives of millions of people throughout the world. It is significant to mention that cheap communication technologies are being used by people in the developing countries in greater ways as compared to people belonging to the developed world. The penetration of information and communication technologies has a considerable impact on the economic development. ICTs have opened up new avenues for supporting economy in the recent times. Cheap communication technologies are acknowledged to have a significant impact on economic growth as they are affecting education, health sectors, agricultural output, income, poverty, and living standards. Communication technologies have tremendously facilitated the attainment and taking in of knowledge. They have offered extraordinary opportunities to developing countries for the enhancement of their educational systems, improvement of policy making and implementation, and widening of the assortment of opportunities for both affluent and the poor. It is important to highlight that ICTs have contributed in reducing the sense of isolation tolerated by poorest members of the society. It is not a secret that when poor are provided sufficient opportunities, they also contribute in the economic development of the country by playing their productive part. Thus, cheap communication technologies have opened access to knowledge, education, and employment in ways that could not be imagined in the past times (Reddi, 2011). The issues prevalent in society today mostly revolve around poverty. The economic development of a region principally depends on the standard and acquisition of education. This is because an educated society can efficiently and effectively work for the progression and development of its country. This realization has made almost every country to expand its demand for education at every level for the political, social, and economic development. However, many countries give limited budgets to their education sectors after facing the contrasting demand for better investment in resources that are necessary for human survival (food, shelter, etc.). However, the utilization and employment of communication technologies have offered alternate solutions to provide access and impartiality to students and teachers. ICTs have also suppressed the need for building schools and colleges. Instead, they have provided the concept of e-learning for convenient teaching and learning (Reddi, 2011). Cheap information and communication technologies have provided agriculturalists and farmers with opportunities to increase their yield and productivity, thus leading to economic progression. Mobile technology is considered to be an outstandingly critical tool for the improvement and enhancement of the competence of the agriculture and food sectors. Not only this, it is also regarded as a potential catalyst to help in raising the incomes of innumerable poor farmers found all over the world. This augmented efficiency is exceedingly important as it could lead to food losses in smaller quantity. A decrease in food losses means the growing demand for sufficient and inexpensive supplies of healthy food could be met eventually. When people are provided with self-sufficient resources, economy develops and grows automatically (Kirk, Steele, Delbà © Crow, 2011). The cheap communication technologies, especially mobile services, have enabled businesses, companies and organizations to directly contact and interact with different members in the value chain. This interrelation has also helped in visibility of issues, competence and excellence. The best potential benefits for the smallholder farmers can be spawned by enabling them to take advantage of mobile financial payments and mobile information provision. In India, for instance, the smallholder farmers of remote areas have benefitted from this service greatly as the mentioned services have each brought approximately 40% of the total anticipated raise in agricultural revenues (Kirk, Steele, Delbà © Crow, 2011). As a result, the country’s economy has grown significantly. In short, ICTs have enabled poor families to diminish their everyday expenditures related to physical labor, time, and energy. As a result, communication technologies have caused an exceptional positive impact on the i ncomes and livelihoods of many rural families. Communication technologies have also facilitated the reduction of â€Å"information gaps and restrictions inherent in marketplaces where consumers and producers have little means of comparing commodity prices between distant markets† (Zambrano Seward, 2010). ICTs are presently working as a catalytic tool in the improvement and expansion of development programming. In addition, the advancement in mobile technologies and their accessibility to rural areas have also contributed towards sustainable development. Thus, the technological change has introduced ways that have made the economic growth sustainable. The communication technologies are, in fact, sustainable technologies that are helping people and governments meet â€Å"the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs† (Beder, 2006). Communication technologies have offered equal economic and employment opportunities to people who reside in cosmopolitan and rural areas. ICTs have not only increased productivity but have also made the market work extremely efficient. However, it is important to highlight that the extent of the economic growth outcomes can be different. ICT is a platform that has reached and will reach populations that have low literacy and income levels. Consequently, ICT is emerging as the leading distribution platform that provides public and private services to innumerable people. As there was no or negligible connectivity mediums in rural areas, the underdeveloped areas did not receive the deserved services and facilities. However, the emergence of ICTs has made it possible for underprivileged people to access financial services, market information, health services, and education services. In contrast, it is evident in the present times that the wireless platform has promoted new and innovative social and economic opportunities for the poor populace at all levels. Conclusion In closing, cheap communication technologies have brought significant changes in the traditional ways of socialization, business tasks’ execution, education attainment, and delivery of services. High-speed Internet, in particular, has changed the ways of doing businesses, transformation of public service delivery, and democratization of innovation. There is no doubt in the fact that the businesses that are using cheap communication technologies have demonstrated more production, faster growth, increased investment, and high profits. Similarly, governments and political parties that have employed cheap communication technologies are also receiving better outcomes in the development of democratic political structure. In short, cheap information and communication technologies have revealed a transformative power on a global level. It is important for the governments to realize the importance of ICT potentials and educate the populations about them in order to reduce poverty, increase economic development, and develop a fine political sense. Therefore, steps must be taken to educate people about the significance of employing ICTs in positive ways for the development and progression of today’s global village. Bibliography Beder, S. (2006).Environmental Principles and Policies: An Interdisciplinary Introduction. Hoboken: Taylor and Francis. Hart, J. (2010). Information Technologies and the Global Political Economy. InThe International Studies Encyclopedia. Chichester, West Sussex, U.K.: Wiley-Blackwell. Healey, J. (2011).Social Impacts of Digital Media. Thirroul, N.S.W.: Spinney Press. Reddi, U. R. V. (2011).Primer 1: An Introduction to ICT for Development. Asian and Pacific Training Centre for Information and Communication Technology for Development (APCICT). Unwin, T. (2012, September 1). Social Media and Democracy: Critical Reflections. Retrieved November 28, 2014, from http://www.cpahq.org/cpahq/cpadocs/Unwin CPA Social media and democracy.pdf Kirk, M., Steele, J. Delbà ©, C. Crow, L. (2011). Connected Agriculture: The Role of Mobile in Driving Efficiency and Sustainability in the Food and Agriculture Value Chain.Vodafone. Retrieved November 29, 2014, from http://www.vodafone.com/content/dam/vodafone/about/sustainability/2011/pdf/connected_agriculture.pdf Zambrano, R., Seward, R. (2010). Mobile Technologies and Empowerment: Enhancing Human Development Through Participation and Innovation. Retrieved November 29, 2014, from http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un-dpadm/unpan048480.pdf

Discuss Research Into The Breakdown Of Romantic Relationships

One piece of research into the breakdown of romantic relationships is from Duck (1982). According to his phase model of the breakup of a relationship, it all begins with the breakdown of the relationship where there is dissatisfaction within the relationship. These dissatisfied partners then begin to consider all the problems within the relationship, thinking mostly about the relational ‘costs’ which develops a resentment for the relationship. This is known as the intra-psychic phase.Once a threshold of being unable to withstand the relationship anymore, the dissatisfied partner expresses their uncertainties about the relationship and so the dyadic phase has been reached and the couple will re-assess their goals, possibilities and commitment. If this is not successful, the social phase has been reached where the decision to leave the relationship is made and is publically discussed between third parties. Next, self-justifications and version-makings of the breakup are of fered, which is known as the grave-dressing phase.Finally, the individuals will attempt to recreate a sense of their own social values, by preparing for different types of future relationships and knowing what they wish to get out of them, known as the resurrection process. The evolutionary perspective on relationship breakdown is another explanation into the breakdown of romantic relationships. Perilloux and Buss (2008) have developed an explanation of why evolution might have shaped the behaviour of rejecters and rejectees differently. Their research is based on four main predictions.The first prediction is the costs related to emotional investment. In a relationship, women will consider the costs of losing the stability of a relationship whereas, if a male has high emotional investment in a relationship, he is more likely to share his resources. However, if the relationship breaks down, the male may leave his children unsupported. This highlights the importance of a males resourc es to the female, who will experience higher costs associated with the loss of emotional investment from their male partner.The second prediction is increasing commitment as a response to the threat of a break up. A woman will value emotional commitment highly in mates, especially to ensure the survival of any offspring, so males threatened with relationship breakdown may employ strategies to exploit this, possibly increasing their commitment for example, by suggesting marriage. The third prediction is infidelity. This may be a deliberate attempt to break up a relationship with a relatively poor-quality mate, in order to make way for a higher-quality mate.The final prediction is managing reputational damage where a rejecter may be perceived as being cruel and heartless by peers, whereas the rejectee is frequently perceived as the victim. In order to prevent any reputational damage, the rejecters will be motivated to minimize any reputational damage and make efforts to be seen as rea sonable and compassionate rather than cruel and heartless. A strength of Duck’s phase model is that it is supported by observations of real life break-ups.Researchers Tashiro and Frazier (2003) surveyed undergraduates who had recently broken up with a romantic partner and they reported that they not only experienced emotional distress, but also personal growth. These students reported that breaking up with their partner had given them new insights into themselves and a clearer idea about future partners. Through grave-dressing and resurrection processes they were able to put the original relationship to rest and get on with their lives.However, a weakness of this study is that Tashiro and Frazier surveyed undergraduates, meaning that they may not have been in a relationship for a long time so therefore would not experience the stages of breakdown as such because they are much younger so therefore may not take into consideration the loss of costs so this therefore weakens the validity of their study. Another strength of Ducks phase model of breakdown is that the model stresses the importance of communication in relationship breakdown.Paying attention to the things that people say, the topics that they discuss and the ways in which they talk about their relationship offers both an insight into their stage and also suggests interventions appropriate to that stage. If the relationship was in the intra-psychic stage for example, repair might involve re-establishing a liking for the partner, possibly by re-evaluating their behaviour in a more positive light. In the later stages, different strategies of repair are appropriate such as in the social phase, third parties may be able to help the partners patch up their differences.This highlights the positive implications of the model, and how it can help couples amend the relationship, despite reaching later stages. However, a weakness of Duck’s phase model and research into rejecters and rejectees is that there are ethical issues within the breakdown research. When carrying out research in this sensitive area, it often raises issues of vulnerability, privacy and confidentiality. For example, a woman in an abusive relationship may fear recrimination from her abuser should he discover her participation in the research.Ultimately, the researcher faces a choice of protecting a participant’s safety or pursuing this valuable information. Therefore, it is hard to measure the issues which led to the breakdown effectively. A limitation of the evolutionary perspective on relationships is that it is deterministic. The evolutionary perspective neglects personal choice and environmental influences, claiming that human behaviour is influenced by adaptations that developed in the Stone Age. This makes sense only if the environmental challenges remain static over evolutionary time.However, if the environment is dynamic rather than static, then the only human that would be adaptive is one tha t is flexible and responsive in any social and physical environment they are in. In some environments, it may be adaptive for males and females to act in the ways suggested, but not in all. For example, nowadays, due to changes within our environment it has enabled women to be less dependent on men for their resources. This therefore challenges the claim of these being universal human behaviours as it has ignored the dynamic nature of relationship breakdown.Another limitation of the evolutionary perspective on relationships is that is gender biased. Researcher Hollway (1989) argues that gender differences evident in the relationship behaviour of males and females reflect less the role of evolutionary forces and more the shared cultural discourses of the different sexes. These discourses are patterns of thinking and communication that are common within one gender but not the other within a particular culture. For example, with the ‘male sexual drive’ discourse, a man may be more likely to report greater infidelity.However, Holloway claims this is not because they are like that by ‘nature’, but because there is a cultural discourse that instructs him how to act on the basis of his sex. In the case of breakdowns, gender differences in how an individual reacts may be less determined by our adaptive biology and more to do with what males and females believe is the appropriate way to behave given that they are products of gender-specific socialization within that society. Overall, evolutionary explanations of sex differences in this area represent a gender-biased representation of how males and females behave during relationship break-ups.

The Gulf War and the role of air power in the Gulf War in 1991

Introduction The Gulf War remains an important event in modern history for various reasons. Firstly, it can be argued that the Gulf War is significant as it gives the background to the overall recent warfare known as the ‘Iraq War’ (Coyote, 2013, p.24). Although the perceived reasons for invading Kuwait are still disputed amongst researchers,, the most popular reason given for the invasion is Iraq’s allegation that Kuwait was stealing its oil (Freedman & Karsh, 1991, p.52). How far this was a significant cause of the war will be explored, in addition to the role that developing air power played in this War. One of the main questions this essay will attempt to answer is: did air power play a major role in the bringing the War to an endFinally, the essay will discuss the wider impact of the Gulf War on the Iraqi Government, and how it has affected the country in the modern day. Why did the Iraqi Government invade Kuwait? There has been unending debate on what the exact reason Iraqi invaded Kuwait, with scholars disagreeing on what transpired in the events the preceded the breakout of the war (Flanagan, 1991, p.18). It is fair to say that it was a culmination of several factors that led to Kuwait invasion, and no single factor could be seen as the catalyst for military action. Firstly, Iraq was heavily indebted to both Saudi Arabia and Kuwait due to their financial backing of Iraq in its war against Iran (Khadduri & Ghareeb 1997, p.1). Kuwait did more than just support the war against Iran financially; they also offered assistance by effectively becoming Iraq’s major port following the closure of Basra at the height of the conflict (Khadduri & Ghareeb 1997, p.3). The close tie between Iraqi and Kuwait during the former’s war against Iran later led to Iran targeting the country following its financial support to Iraq. Iraq owed Kuwait more than $80billion, which the Iraqi Government could not pay back (Cordesman& Wagner1996, p.45). Despite pleas from Iraq to Kuwait to write off $14 billion of the debt, Kuwait refused. The fact that Kuwait were not willing to negotiate the debt in favour of Iraq angered Iraqi Government, further increasing tension between the two countries (Danchev & Keohane, 1993, p.23). Another factor widely speculated to have increased the tension between the two countries is when Iraq claimed certain parts of Kuwait were actually Iraqi territory (Khadduri & Ghareeb, 1997, p.4). Shortly before the commencement of the war, the Iraqi Government alleged that Kuwait was stealing petroleum from Iraq by way of slant-drilling into Iraq’s Rumaila field (Freedman & Karsh, 1991, p.52). This resulted in heated disputes between the two countries, with allegations that Kuwait was stealing oil worth in the region of $2.4 billion (1994, pp.23-30). This, according to Muellor (1994, pp.23-30) arguably put more pressure on a relationship that was already strained. Muellor observe that Kuwait argued that the allegations were ill-founded and fabricated in order to justify Iraq’s resolve to take military action against Kuwait.Foreign firms working in the area took Kuwait’s side, as the common belief built on the belief that the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq was heavily influenced by Iraq’s motivation to obtain the country’s significant petroleum supplies. Some alleged that the decision to invade Kuwait had been mooted a couple of months before Aug ust 1990, as the crisis was coming to a climax (Freedman & Karsh, 1994, pp. 63-65). Linked to this issue is the allegation by Iraq that Kuwait was overproducing petroleum, which caused a revenue decrease for Iraq. It was estimated that during the period of 1985-1989, every year Iraq suffered a $14 billion deficit as a direct result of Kuwait’s oil production (Finlan, 2003, p.24). Whilst Iraq did try to negotiate with Kuwait, they did not reduce their production, which must have angered the Iraqi government. Some historians say that Iraq viewed this refusal as an act of defiance, which then became a powerful trigger for the War (Fisk, 2006, p.18). Therefore, as is often the case with invasion events, politics, money and oil can be shown to be the underlying causes of military action. An overview of the Gulf War The Gulf War took place between August 1990 and February 1991. Following Iraq’s initial invasion of Kuwait, the main players comprised coalition forces, a combination of 34 different countries led by the United States of America, against Iraq. The Iraqi Republican Guard invaded Kuwait on 2 August 1990 with over 100,000 members of the Iraqi military supported by 700 tanks in the early hours of the morning. This was met immediately by a UN Security Council sanction, which created a ban on all trade with Iraq and the freezing of all its assets (Khadduri & Ghareeb, 1997, p.73). By 4 August 1990, most Kuwaiti troops either had been overpowered or had fled to Saudi Arabia or Bahrain. Hundreds of thousands of civilians fled the country and many continued to stay there even after the end of the conflict (Flanagan, 1991, pp.18-26). The initial invasion consisted of intense military action as Iraq looked to show their intention to occupy its neighbor. This action was internationally con demned, and the UN was strongly encouraged to act and find a way forward (Fulghium, 1991). Countries worldwide called for Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait, including countries who were previously its allies, such as France and India. This international pressure against the invasion was seen quickly through immediate economic sanctions being placed against Iraq by the UN. Alongside the period of sanctions, there were efforts to negotiate with Iraq. However, these negotiations broke down, leading the coalition forces to advance their campaign against the invasion. The coalition forces were largely comprised of US military, in addition to troops from the UK, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The main aim of the coalition troops was to expel the Iraqi military from Kuwait (Fisk, 2006: xvii). This commenced with an aerial assault on 17 January 1991 (Fisk, 2006: xvii). Some alleged that the coalition forces joined the US, â€Å"for more than a Wilsonian ideal; they did so to protect their own respective national interests, not the least of which included oil, the life blood of the world economy† (Allison, 2012: vii). Nevertheless, the rising number of casualties, especially amongst children worried many people. Lesley Stahl said, â€Å"We have heard that a half million children have died. I mean, that’s more children than died in Hiroshima†¦is th e price worth it?† (Leigh & Wilson, 2001). Secretary of State Madeleine Albright responded with, â€Å"I think this is a very hard choice, but the price – we think the price is worth it† (Leigh & Wilson, 2001). An attack on the ground followed on 24 February, which brought a victory for the coalition forces, freeing Kuwait from seven months of Iraqi military occupation (Sulton, 1995, pp.195-200). Following this liberation the coalition entered Iraq and after four days (exactly 100 hours) after the ground assault on Iraq) a ceasefire was declared (Dinackus, 2000, pp. 225-230). Air Power in the Gulf War Given the major use of air power in this war, some refer to the Gulf War as the ‘1991 Bombing of Iraq’, as Iraq military was enthusiastic to show off their airpower in the region. The bombing campaign began on 17 January 1991 and from that time until the end of the conflict, the coalition forces were involved in flying over 100,000 sorties in the region. â€Å"Air power dominated the media images of the Gulf War. Video footage of precision-guided munitions hitting their targets with pinpoint accuracy remains embedded in popular memory† (Finlan, 2003, p.30). It is arguable that one of the main factors forcing the retreat of Iraqi troops was the dropping of 88,500 tons of bombs across the country, which destroyed many areas within cities. The strategy in the air was to target not only Iraqi military sites, but also to destroy structural landmarks. This appears to have made the Iraqi military embark on a defensive strategy in response to the air campaign (Finlan, 200 3, p. 33). Hallion (1992) shares this view, and argues that strategy was evolving, seen in how the coalition air forces targeted places and structures rather than citizens. These air tactics, Hallion argues, allowed coalition forces to control Iraq without causing large fatalities. He maintains that, â€Å"the air commanders of the Allied coalition could approach the prospect of war with Iraq with such confidence in the air† (Hallion, 1992: 4). It is this confidence that stopped the Iraqi air force from being able to compete with the strength and quality of the coalition forces. Posen (2003) agrees with the assertion that air power played a significant role in the Gulf War. He took the view that, â€Å"air power alone may not be able to determine the outcome of all wars, but is a significant asset. Moreover, US air power has proven potentially devastating to mechanized ground forces operating offensively†¦as was discovered in the only Iraqi mechanized offensive† (Posen, 2003: 16) This shows that, whilst air power was not on its own sufficient for the coalition forces to be outright successfully, it did contribute greatly to the overall result. In contrast, however, Press disagrees with this argument and puts forward the view that, â€Å"even after 5 weeks of bombing, the best Iraqi units†¦were willing to maneuver into the path of US forces.† (Press, 2001: 37). Although Press does agree with Hallion that the coalition forces were more superior when military supplies and availability of resources were compared. The press argues that sup erior military resources were the main factor why US-led allied team won the war, rather than the much publicised air power. However, there is considerable support among historians for the idea that air power played a significant part in Iraq’s defeat. This includes Schultz and Phaftzgraff who argue that the strategy in the air campaign was an overarching reason why the ground assault brought rapid, total success: â€Å"All major government, military, and party headquarters were wrecked; both civil and military telecommunications were totally silenced; Iraqi air defences were largely incapacitated.† (Schultz & Phaftzgraff, 2001: 19). This strategy of destroying main services greatly helped the coalition forces and because of this, many scholars argue that air power played a valuable and significant role in their victory. It was true, however, that Iraqi forces had air power of their own too, and this was evident when they started off their intensive military invasion of Kuwait (Fulghum, 1991: 71-73). One of the reasons for the relatively quick takeover of Kuwait by the Iraqi military was that the former was taken by surprise, and was not able to offer much resistance, particularly in the air (Sayenga, 1991). Therefore, even at the outset of the war, air played a part, by assisting Iraq to take over Kuwait in a very speedy manner. However, when the competing allied forces confronted the Iraqi forces with similar airpower, the latter soon realised that their airpower were less superior. Despite the use of ground-to-air missiles by the Iraqi military, they were no match to the allied forces’ military ability (Morrocco, 1991: 40-43). USAF Lieutenant General Chuck Horner led the coalition forces and the overall military air strategy included the deployment of Tomahawk cruise missiles from warships. As part of the air campaign, A-10 Thunderbolts bombing large sections of Iraq, causing considerable military and civilian deaths. It can be safely argued that the air campaign led to the destruction of much of the Iraqi armed forces, and that without this air campaign, the result might have affected the outcome, such is its importance in the Gulf War. When the coalition forces were combined, their artillery total was 2,250 combat aircraft, which was significant under any circumstances, but was particularly damaging when compared to the 500 members of the Iraqi air force (Hallion, 1992). The air campaign is often referred to by its code-name, â€Å"Operation Desert Storm† and more than 1,000 sorties were sent on a daily basis (Finlan, 2003: 30-32). Iraqi defence forces were not able to stand up to this military assault, particularly when â€Å" the first night of operations over Iraq witnessed the longest bombing run in history†(Finlan, 2003: 35). This puts into perspective how significant the role of air power was, as it had never before been seen on this scale in any war in the history. The casualty numbers were kept to a minimum for the coalition forces who only suffered 75 aircraft losses out of 100,000 sorties. Faced with this air bombing onslaught, many of the Iraqi air forces fled to Iran. This was unexpected, as coalition military had assumed that the escape might be towards Jordan and had adapted their strategy for this action. After just a few weeks, the air power assault had mostly stopped by 24 February, with the successful entry into Kuwait by coalition troops. It is arguably not a coincidence that the end of the bombing campaign and the end of the War came close together. The impact of the Gulf War on the Iraqi Government Following the passing of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 in 1991, the UN deployed several other controversial measures against Iraq, (Cortright& Lopez, 2000). As in the aftermath of any War, the Iraqi Government continued to experience financial difficulties as the rising costs of the war impacted across the country (Alnaswari 2000:89-119). Following the extensive bombing campaign by the coalition forces, the Iraqi Government had to start the process of reconstructing major towns and cities that had been severely destroyed by the bombs. It was reported that Iraqi planners believedthe coalition’s intention had been â€Å"to destroy or damage valuable facilities that Baghdad could not repair without foreign assistance. The worst civilian suffering, senior officers say, has resulted not from bombs that went astray but from precision-guided weapons that hit exactly where they were aimed at electrical plants, oil refineries and transportation networks.† (G ellman1991). However, it is in economic terms that the real impact of the Gulf War was felt. Alnasrawi has argued that oil was Iraq’s ‘gold dust,’ forming the bedrock of their economy and therefore the UN sanctions virtually destroyed this industry with the closure of 90% ports and 97% of exports (Alnasrawi, 2000:89-119). As long after the war as 1996, Iraq was in a dire situation, with a humanitarian crisis, and the UN agreed to offer temporary oil-for-food (OFF) program where Iraq was permitted to sell oil under very stringent conditions. Historians disagree and argue about the exact effect of this on the Iraqi Government; one report stated that, â€Å"Even under the most benign conditions, OFF only allows Iraq to be run as a relatively efficient refugee camp in which people get just about enough food to eat† (Gazdar, 2002). Although it has also been suggested that â€Å"Between the springs of 2000 and 2002, [US and UK] holds on humanitarian goods tripl ed† (Gordon, 2002), the financial ruin that the Iraqi Government found itself in, was as a direct result of the Gulf War. Conclusion With its many casualties and serious effect on global politics, the Gulf War remains a crucial landscape when considering modern politics, particularly in the Middle Eastern region. During its occupation by the Iraqi military, more than 1000 Kuwaiti civilians died, and thousands more fled the country never to return. As it has been shown here, there are a number of factors put forward as contributing to the invasion of Kuwait, and it has been this essay’s aim to argue that the allegation that Kuwait was stealing oil from illegal sources was the ultimate catalyst for the war, rather than the main reason. There were many different forces at play as relations between the two countries had reached volatile to say the least. Nevertheless, what is also interesting in this debate is the suggestion that interest in the conflict from coalition forces came out of an attraction to Kuwait’s oil production. Oil is in increasing demand within the Western World and it is not surprisin g that many see it as a strong underlying motive for – or at least, a significant factor in – the Coalition’s engagement. This is summed up very well by Finlan, who states, â€Å"The critical issue that transformed the situation in the Gulf from a regional dispute into a full-blown international crisis was, above all, the substantial oil reserves in that area and the world’s dependence on this ‘black gold.’ If left to his own devices, Saddam Hussein possessed the ability to have influence over, or outright control of, 40 per cent of the known oil supplies on the planet by combining his own reserves with Kuwait and possibly, that of Saudi Arabia.† (Finlan, 2003: 9). In addition, it has been proposed here shown that air power had a significant role to play in the war and its eventual conclusion. The Iraqi Air Force were no match for the advanced technology at the disposal of the Coalition military, made clear during the extensive bombing campaign and also from the defensive strategy which the Iraqi army were forced to take. It has been this essay’s objective to provide evidence for the contention that the role of air power was considerable. Without the serious impact the bombing campaign had on the Iraqi forces and the Iraq infrastructure, no one knows how the Gulf War would have developed, how long it would have lasted, and what other consequences there might have been. Many lives were lost and it was clear that the Iraqi Government could not compete with the sheer scale of its opponents or stop the devastating impact on its civilians. The aftermath of the Gulf War therefore had a considerable impact upon the Iraqi Government. Arguably, the most significant effect of the war was on the economy, asthe war â€Å"produced serious hardships to the people and set the economy back to 19th Century status† (Alnasrawi, 2000: 89-119). Many academics working in this field believe that, the Gulf War laid the foundations for the more recent ‘Iraq War’ in 2003, which extends its significance even further to say the least. References Allison, W. (2012) The Gulf War, 1990-91 Hampshire: Palgrave MacMillan Alnasrawi, A. (2000) Iraq: Economic Embargo and Predatory Rule Oxford: OUP Cordesman, A. & Wagner, (1996) A.The Lessons of Modern War, Vol IV – The Gulf War Oxford: OUP Cortright, David, And George A. Lopez. (2000) The Sanctions Decade: Assessing UN Strategies in the 1990s. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Coyote, C. (2013) Iraq War 2013: What Really Happened Behind the Scenes, US: Charles Edmond Coyote. Danchev, A. &Keohane, D. (1993) International Perspectives on the Gulf Conflict: 1990-91 London: Palgrave Macmillan Dinackus, T. (2000) Order of Battle – Allied Ground Forces of Operation Desert Storm, Oregon: Hellgate Press Finlan, A. (2003) The Gulf War 1991 (Essential Histories) Oxford: Osprey Publishings Fisk, R. (2006) The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East London: Harper Collins Flanagan, E. (1991) ‘The 100-Hour War,’ Army, April, 1991, pp 18-26. Freedman, L. & Karsh, E. (1994) The Gulf Conflict 1990-1991 and Diplomacy and War in the New World Order London: Princeton University Press Fulghum, D. A. (1991). Allied Air Power, Forward Controllers Back Arabs to Make Their Drive Succeed. Aviation Week & Space Technology, 134(16), 71-73. Gazdar, H. (2002) â€Å"Pre-Modern, Modern, and Post Modern Famine in Iraq† Institute of Development Studies Bulletin, The New Famines, October, Vol. 33. Gellman, B, (1991) ‘Allied Air War Struck Broadly in Iraq: Officials Acknowledge Strategy Went Beyond Purely Military Targets’ Washington Post, (June 23, 1991) Gordon, J., (Dec, 2002) ‘Cool War’Harper’s Magazine. Available at: http://harpers.org/archive/2002/11/cool-war/ [accessed 28 February 2014] Hallion, R. (1992) Storm over Iraq – Air Power and the Gulf War, Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press Hillen, J. (1991) ‘2nd Armoured Cavalry: The Campaign to Liberate Kuwait’ Armor, Ju ly-August, pp 8-12 Khaddori, M &Ghareeb, E. (1997) War in the Gulf 1990-91 Oxford: OUP Leigh, D. & Wilson, J. (10 October 2001) ‘Counting Iraq’s Victims’ The Guardian Available at: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2001/oct/10/iraq.socialsciences [accessed 28 February 2014]. Morrocco, J. (1991) ‘War will Reshape Doctrine, but Lessons are Limited’ Aviation Week and Space Technology, April 22, pp 40-43. Muellor, J. (1994) Policy and Opinion in the Gulf War Chicago: University of Chicago Press Posen, B.R. (2003) Command of the Commons: The Military Foundations of U.S Hegemony, International Security pp 5-46. Press, D.G. (2001) ‘The Myth of Air Power in the Persian Gulf War and the Future of Warfare’ International Security, Vol 26, Issue 2, pp 5-44 Sayenga, K. ‘Wings over the Gulf’ The Discovery Channel: Bethesda, 1991 Schultz, R. &Pfaltzgraff, R. L. (1992) The Future of Air Power in the aftermath of the Gulf War Alabama: Air University Press Sulton, B. (1995) Desert Warrior: A Personal View of the Gulf War by the Joint Forces Commander London: HarperCollins

Classroom Behavior - 1510 Words

Would you be surprised to learn that in today s classroom children sometimes aren t learning due to behavioral issues? Teachers are attempting to teach classes in which students can be disruptive, disrespectful and defiant. Classrooms are often overcrowded which adds to the frustration of the situation. Teachers are often tempted to take the easy way out, using antiquated strategies that will usually not help the child to learn. In fact, some types of punishments can actually cause the child to become even more rebellious. The child can experience a sense of worthlessness after being punished again and again. Children do not act out because they are bad. They act out in the hopes of receiving some kind of response or†¦show more content†¦All agree that in order for a behavior to exist, a reward must be present or expected. E. Thorndike like Skinner believes that learning is the result of associations forming between stimuli and responses. According to Thorndike, rewards stre ngthen behaviors. Thorndike says that when an action is preformed and rewarded that action is continued (1921-27). As is often the case, the reward system does not just work for good behavior. As previously stated, when a child is rewarded in one way or another for poor behavior, they will continue that behavior in order to continue receiving the reward. Thorndike s theory cautions us to not reward bad behavior. The rewards that he speaks of do not have to be material. In fact, more often than not, the rewards are far from material. Sadly, for some children, their only reward for acting out can be attention. A child could receive attention for poor behavior at home which he/she would then expect at school. If the child is only acknowledged when acting out, its need for attention will take over and the child will continue to act out. 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